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20 In 1905, after more than 15 years of colonization in Eritrea, only 2,333 Italians lived there (incl (. ) 21 In May 1936 there were 330,000 Italian soldiers in the region. See Labanca , 2002, p. 189. 22 On prostitution in the Italian colonies in Africa, see Stefani , 2007, p. 130?143. See also the repr (. ) 23 Campassi , 1987, p. 239.
9 The number of Italians in the Horn of Africa, mostly men, grew during the Fascist period, especially during the 1930s. Of course, women were not the first reason for expatriation. At the time of the Italo?Ethiopian war, more than 50,000 unemployed men went to Eritrea to work on road construction and other public works.20 In 1935, hundreds of thousands of soldiers moved to Eritrea to take part in the war in Ethiopia.21 After the occupation of Ethiopia and the creation of the Empire in 1936, at the same time as the launch of a vociferous campaign against “mixed?race” unions and miscegenation, the Fascist government wanted to increase the Italian female population in Africa, and set up training courses in “preparation for the Empire” for women. The regime also wanted to send several professional Italian prostitutes to the colonies (it actually did so, in part).22 However, these projects mostly turned out to be failures and Italian women in Northeast Africa towards the end of the 1930s numbered, at the most, 10,000.23.
Madamato : Practices and legacies.
24 See for example Martini , 1946, I, and Paoli , 1908. 25 Throughout this article, I will use such “conventional” terms as prostitution, concubinage , marriag (. ) 26 Tabet , 2004, p. 158. 27 Stoler , 2002, p. 49, 50.
10 As revealed by colonial sources, ever since the beginning of Italian colonialism, concubinage between Italian men and Northeast African women was a widespread phenomenon in the Italian colonies in the Horn of Africa. 24 Italians would usually refer to colonial concubinage as madamato or madamismo , meaning by these expressions “something” that was neither marriage nor prostitution,25 and which could differ from one case to the other, in terms of feelings, objectives, abuse, and conditions experienced by partners involved in this kind of relationship. As Paola Tabet noted, “relations between sexes are globally impacted by economic transactions. And continuity – meaning a lack of dichotomy or separation between ‘good girls’ and ‘bad girls’, and relations of economic exchange characterized by shifting from one condition to the other, or even the coexistence of different roles and relations for one person – has become increasingly evident through recent researches.”26 Concubinage , in various colonial settings, was a nuanced and sometimes controversial notion that Ann Laura Stoler (referring to different colonial contexts) has described as follows: “ Concubinage was the prevalent term for cohabitation outside marriage between European men and Asian women. But the term ambiguously covered a wide range of arrangements that included sexual access to a non?European woman as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore. […] Concubinage reinforced the hierarchies on which colonial societies were based and made those distinctions more problematic at the same time.”27.
28 On colonial concubinage in Eritrea and local sexual politics, see Barrera , 1996; Sorgoni , 1998. On (. ) 29 In 1898 in Asmara, Martini wrote: “Let’s stop with these ‘ madamas .’ Their use was tolerated: now de (. ) 30 Martini , 1946, I, p. 145. Before the 1929 Concordat, according to the Italian civil code, religious (. ) 31 Pollera , 1922, p. 73. See also Ambrogetti ’s 1900 booklet La vita sessuale nell’Eritrea , p. 5, 15, q (. ) 32 On the life and work of Alberto Pollera , see Sorgoni , 2001. Right before dying in 1939, even if it (. ) 33 Pollera , 1922, p. 73?85. As far as the cultural and intellectual background of these assumptions is (. )
11 Italians called Northeast African concubines madama (an ironic distortion of the French word Madame ) and used the term madamato only to refer to colonial concubinage in the Horn, while the term mabruchismo may have been applied to the much rarer form of concubinage that existed in colonial Libya.28 Before the Fascist regime (1922?1943), when Italians were still prone to spend years in Eritrea, colonial concubinage was usually tolerated by the colonial authority, although at the very end of the 19 th century, writer and politician Ferdinando Martini, Governor of Eritrea between 1897 and 1907, condemned such a practice in his diary.29 According to the same source, Eritrean women believed marriage with an Italian man was official if it conformed with their customs, while Italian men took part in the ceremony just for their own interest or for fun, without committing to it: “ I think we should tread carefully in celebrating these marriages that are only religiously binding. Perhaps the indigenous woman believes that civil and religious marriage are merged into the same ceremony, as is the case in her country. The white man knows that a church wedding does not have any effect according to the civil law. Thus, the white man can cheat, the native woman can be cheated on, and the latter will believe that the union is indissoluble, when it is certainly not the case”.30 Thus, on one hand (through Martini’s words), the male?colonialist discourse was able to negate women’s agency by stressing Northeast African women’s lack of self?consciousness. On the other hand though, the male?colonialist discourse would also assert itself by stressing another opposite and complementary aspect considered specific to colonized women: indeed, the colonizer’s assumption that concubines, courtesans, and prostitutes in colonial contexts were not stigmatized by their own society and the idea that they were, actually, naturally inclined to perform these (somewhat interchangeable) roles was generally widespread and persistent, and also applied to other colonial contexts. Other Italian colonial sources stressed the fact that “Abyssinian women” could be sexually free without being locally stigmatized “because here the freedom of women’s sexual mores has very ancient roots”.31 According to the colonial official and prolific ethnographer Alberto Pollera – who, himself, lived with two “ madamas ” and had several children he formally acknowledged32 – madamato , even if not the optimum coupling solution, was an “inevitability” for young Italians living in the Horn of Africa. According to colonial sources, this land, considered inappropriate for Italian brides, was inhabited by “Abyssinian women” who, thanks to their “Semitic ancestry,” were supposed to easily mate with Italian men and become their concubines.33.

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To tackle the problem a campaign STOP Sex Terrorism organized by non-governmental organization Re! Action together with the Alfa Center advertising agency was launched. Sponsored by Riga International Airport and more than twenty business companies in and around the capital, the campaign did not aim at the sex tourists themselves but at Latvian women who agree to one night stands with revelers.
Now the situation has changed. Due to economic crisis followed by inflation Latvia is not mentioned as the capital of sex tourism anymore. One could think that the problem is solved. However, girls and women sitting with a lonely expression on their faces at bars of popular tourist night clubs, waiting for a foreigner who will buy them the most expensive cocktail and whisk them away for a few hours still can be found there quite often. Moreover, during the crisis the prices of women have fallen by at least two thirds: non-English speaking young woman costs less than 60 dollars now.
One could ask – why nobody tackles the problem. But who will do that? The police closes their eyes, because their salaries are inadequate low, society distinguishes sex tourism beneficial for the economic development of the country, while young women – the victims of foreign men – have high expectations of living standard and miss the esteem of Latvian men who are not able to afford to buy them expensive cocktails as foreigners do.
Have you already visited Latvia? Tell us more in comments below!
The Single Dude’s Guide to Riga, Latvia.
Riga, Latvia is definitely one of my top five favorite single dude travel destinations. While only slightly more expensive than most other Eastern European countries it offers a lot more class and beauty (if you stay in the old downtown). Think Prague and Zagreb as opposed to Sofia. You can expect a plethora of hot, classy, intelligent Eastern European women and an outstanding selection of bars of clubs.
Riga is definitely a place where you should stay in an apartment near the center of town. Charlie and I were able to rent a two bedroom apartment right smack in the middle of all the action for 35 EUR per night. We also took our time to really do our homework on this destination by surveying a bunch of people on CouchSurfing for the best bars, clubs, restaurants and other activities (click here for an Excel spreadsheet, places we actually visited and approve of are highlighted). Although we had a gigantic list of recommendations we ended up finding a couple of favorite bars near our apartment and just hanging out there the whole time.
The girl situation in Riga is absolutely astounding. Besides the fact that the women outrageously hot, intelligent and classy it turns out that, as in many Eastern European countries, there are more women than men. I stumbled upon an interesting little piece of research indicating that not only are there significantly more women than men in Latvia but they are relatively sexually promiscuous. To put it another way, Latvia just might be the holy grail of single dude travel. See the chart below and I think you’ll know what I’m talking about (hint, as close to the top left corner as possible is what you want and guess where Latvia is).
Sexual Promiscuity Chart.
In Riga there are two distinctly different types of girls, Latvian Latvians and Russian Latvians. If you want to know about Russian Latvian look no further than El Matador’s article “An Introduction to Russian Girls“. As far as the Latvian Latvian girls, I can only say that they seem a touch more conservative and a touch more sophisticated, but either way you’re going to be finding plenty of the tall, thin, super model types. About 30% of the population in Latvia are Russians that were forced to resettle there during the Soviet Union. The Russian Latvians and Latvian Latvians don’t really seem to get along. It’s an extremely common sight to see alternating tables of Latvian Latvians and Russian Latvians throughout the entire bar. You can spot them really easily by looking at how the girls are dressed or simply listening to whether they’re speaking Latvian or Russian. Latvian Latvians might have a slight edge on English, pretty much every true Latvian we met could speak perfect Latvian, Russian, English and often another language or two. If you have a Phd from Harvard expect to find a Latvian teenager that will make you feel stupid and uneducated. These people really have their shit together.
With all these super positive things I’ve had to say about Latvia I do need to bring up two big negatives. Bar fights and ripoff bars. The entire time we were there we didn’t go one single night without seeing a bar fight and sometimes more than one. We even saw our local favorite bartender beat the shit out of a customer with a baseball bat. Not to worry though if you’re not an asshole and you stay alert you should be able to avoid getting involved in the fight. The closest I came to being involved in a fight was stumbling home drunk one night at about 5 am. A Latvian guy approached me and asked me if I wanted to fight. I said “Of course not, why?”. He explained that he didn’t want to fight me, he just wanted to know if I wanted to come fight with him and his friends because they were on their way out to find a fight. I politely declined and stumbled home.

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U.S. Department of State.
The situation in Syria continues to deteriorate as the civil war continues and sub-state armed groups of varying ideologies control wide swathes of the country’s territory. Incidents of human trafficking have increased and trafficking victims remain trapped in Syria, particularly as the designated terrorist organization, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)—also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the Islamic State (IS), or Daesh in Arabic—took control of the eastern governorates of Raqqa and Dayr al-Zawr. Approximately half of Syria’s pre-war population has been displaced; nearly four million have fled to neighboring countries and roughly 7.6 million are internally displaced. Syrians, including those that remain in the country and refugees in neighboring countries, remain highly vulnerable to trafficking.
Syria is a source and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Syrian children displaced within the country continue to be subjected to forced labor, particularly by organized begging rings. Multiple sources report ISIL continues to force local Syrian girls and women in ISIL-controlled areas into marriages with its fighters. ISIL has also abducted thousands of Yezidi women and girls from Iraq and forcibly brought them to Syria to sell in human trafficking rings or to provide to fighters where they experience forced marriage, domestic servitude, systematic rape, and sexual violence. Following the February 2015 ISIL incursion into Assyrian villages in the northwestern province of Hasaka, ISIL captured up to 30 Assyrian Christian women and forced them into sexual slavery. In December 2014, ISIL publicly released guidelines on how to capture, forcibly hold, and sexually abuse female slaves, including girls. Pro-government forces, armed opposition groups, and ISIL continue to forcibly recruit and use Syrian children as soldiers, human shields, and executioners, as well as in support roles. The Syrian army and its pro-regime militias forcibly recruit boys, some as young as 6 years old; in Aleppo, government forces used children as part of coordinated military operations to locate armed groups prior to attacks; children are paid to act as informants, exposing them to retaliation and extreme punishment. ISIL actively deploys children in hostilities, including coercing children to behead Syrian regime soldiers and using them in combat roles during the assault on Kobane in late 2014; it has deliberately targeted children for indoctrination and used schools for military purposes, endangering children and preventing their access to education. ISIL has established training camps where it instructs children, nicknamed “Cubs of the Caliphate,” to operate weapons and be deployed as suicide bombers. Armed groups, including Ahrar Al-Sham and Jabhat Al-Nusra, have targeted women and children to be taken as hostages for use in prisoner exchanges. Kurdish Yekineyen Parastina Gel (YPG) forces are reported to have abducted children and accepted them into its ranks to be used in active hostilities, despite an international commitment to the contrary. Kurdish Democratic Union Party (or PYD, using its popular acronym)-affiliated Kurdish “asayish” security forces reportedly captured unknown numbers of men and women between the ages of 18 and 30 at checkpoints and from residences in Darbasiyah and other Kurdish areas and compelled them to fight for the YPG, and all female YPJ forces, under duress. The media reported instances in which the Iranian government recruited primarily Shia men from the Afghan expatriate community in Iran to fight in Syria, ostensibly to defend Shia shrines, in exchange for $500 a month, Iranian residency, and in some cases, dismissal of criminal sentences in Iran. Migrant workers and undocumented migrants in Iran are often subject to harsh treatment with few or no legal remedies, which can make them vulnerable to trafficking. Some foreigners, including migrants from Central Asia, children, and western women, are reportedly forced, coerced, or fraudulently recruited to join extremist fighters, including ISIL in Syria; some of these foreigners may willingly join militants but are subsequently forced to remain in Syria against their will.
The Syrian refugee population is highly vulnerable to trafficking in neighboring countries, particularly Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. There have been reports of Syrian refugees forced into “temporary” marriages—for the purpose of prostitution and other forms of exploitation—by men from Jordan and the Gulf states. For example, in December 2014, Jordanian government officials investigated and referred for prosecution six individuals for forcing a 17-year-old Syrian female refugee into 21 “temporary” marriages—for the purpose of prostitution—to various foreign men over a two-year time period; she was also forced to undergo seven hymen reconstruction surgeries. Arab men reportedly visit refugee camps in Jordan in search of Syrian brides; most reports, however, remain second-hand and very few have been documented and corroborated by the Jordanian government or international organizations working with Syrian refugees. According to the media, prostitution rings of Syrian refugee women and girls have developed in Turkey and Lebanon, while the Lebanese police issued reports in 2014 detailing the sale of Syrian refugee women by local men. Syrian refugee children are increasingly engaged in street begging in Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan, some of which may be forced; Syrian women and children begging in the streets in Yemen are highly vulnerable to forced labor and sex trafficking. Syrian gangs inside Lebanon force refugee men, women, and children to work in the agricultural sector in Lebanon’s Beqaa Valley. Syrian adults are reportedly subjected to forced labor as low-skilled workers in Qatar and Kuwait. In 2014, an international organization reported Syrian nationals temporarily residing in Sudan preferred to travel through Libya en route to Italy with the use of smugglers; these Syrians could be at risk of trafficking along this route.

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The house on the Hazelaarstraat 79 in Groningen had to be furnished and [suspect] told me.
that if I wanted to get rid of this concern as quickly as possible then I had to work firmly.
Even if I said that I couldn’t work, then he always knew to convince me that I did go again even if I actually couldn’t. He always had something to get me so far. Then he talked about things that we still had to pay or needed. I then went to work once again because I didn’t want a quarrel. [Suspect] always said to me when I had to start working. [Suspect] always said to me: “As long as you haven’t earned 250 euro you don’t go home”. I also had to work when I had my period or if I had problems with my ovaries. Yet even if I had so much stomach ache then I just had to take a pill and go working.
He decided over everything. I wasn’t allowed to go anywhere. I only was allowed to sit at home or to work. I wasn’t allowed contact with other girls because I only was allowed to work. He said: “If you are working then you must work”. It also happened that [suspect] came to me in the display window. He then closed the curtains and inspected my display window. He looked if I possibly hid money and he looked if I possibly had bought new bikinis. He really looked everywhere. [Suspect] controlled me from April 2006 until the end of May 2007. He also inspected my mobile telephone. He wanted to see what kind of messages I had and with whom I phoned. I received € 10,- call credit per week from him.
From October 2005 until the end of May 2007 I had to hand over my earned money to [suspect]. Most days I earned 250 euro. To earn this I sometimes had to work until 06:00 hours. I earned on average a nett 1200 to 1300 euro per week. Most money I gave to [suspect].
In 2007 I went away for 2 or 3 weeks to Slovakia. [Suspect] definitely didn’t want that but I could convince him when I said that I needed new medicines for my epilepsy. When I came back again I immediately was obliged by [suspect] to work. I had to pay 4000 euro because he made debts, he said. It also happened that [suspect] went to Turkey. When [suspect] was there I had to send 500 euro each Monday to him. I say send but I had to give the money to [witness 5].
[Suspect] said to [witness 4] that I would always come back to him, because girls who work in prostitution are psychologically such that you can easily wrap them around your finger again and let them do what you want. He had also said to [witness 4] that he didn’t love me but that 6000 euro per month was pleasant.
[Suspect] has made abuse of the fact that I was in love with him. He repeatedly put me under pressure at the moment I wanted to leave him. He blackmailed me with my medicines for my epilepsy. When I indicated that I was going to leave him he then withheld my pills. I really need these medicines so then I stayed again with him. [Suspect] also threatened to inform my mother.
Sometimes I had the impression that [suspect] forced [victim] into prostitution. [Victim] sometimes said that she was not going to work earlier than the evening and I saw that the face of [suspect] darkened and then [victim] immediately started to work again. [Suspect] was angry when [victim] hadn’t worked.
She had to hand over the money and also go to the display window if he said so. Immediately in the car on the way from the display window she gave him the money. I have also seen that. I have seen how he drove with the car passed her display window. She was controlled by him. He often drove around with the car, [victim] was afraid to keep money for herself, because she didn’t know how often he drove by and how often he saw the curtains closed. He has also phoned her. She worked every day also during the weekend. [Suspect] was the pimp of [victim]. [Suspect] brought [victim] to her work. [Suspect] spent the money himself. He asked money for his personal necessities.
I noticed that [suspect] used [victim]. [Suspect] had no money. [Suspect] controlled [victim]. He asked how many clients she has had. He sometimes drove 20 times per day through de Nieuwstad. [Victim] didn’t go out. She didn’t buy anything for herself. He didn’t want that she transferred money to Slovakia. Sometimes she was completely without money. She has told me that she had to transfer her money to the account of the mother of [suspect].
This year, in March / April, [victim] was working and wanted to go home, but that wasn’t allowed by [suspect] because she hadn’t earned enough money that day. I have seen once that after a client just left [victim] immediately made a phone call. She told me that after a client she immediately had to phone [suspect], so that he had control over the number of clients that she had.
Some three years ago [suspect] asked me if I wanted to transfer money to Turkey. His girlfriend was supposed to bring that to me in the shop. She has handed over money to me 3 or 4 times. Each time that was an amount of 300 or 400 euro.
I have seen 1 or 2 times that [victim] handed over money to [suspect]. [Suspect] reached out his hand and she gave him money without saying something. I have asked [suspect] once if he loved her. He then said: “Fuck her. I must have money”.

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This joke indicates that “all women are whores at heart” and therefore, all women have a price (Overall 1992: 719). While taking the pricing of a woman for granted, the man’s “moral standing – despite his negotiation to buy sex – is never in question” (Overall 1992: 720). Whereas the sale of sex “helps to define a woman” as it forcefully condemns her (Overall 1992: 720), “the purchase of sex” also “helps to define man”, yet, “it does not condemn him” (Overall 1992: 720).
As a matter of fact, seeing women as sex objects or property inhabits the works of some well known scholars, such as Nietzsche. In Spake Zarathustra , he believes that women “are not yet capable of friendship; they are still casts, or birds, or at best cows” (Russell 1994: 731). In addition, he believes that “men shall be trained for war and women for the recreation of the worrier” (Russell 1994:731). He thinks that “all else is folly” (Russell 1994: 731). In Nietzsche’s work the Will to power , he states that men “take pleasure in women as in a perhaps daintier, more delicate and more ethereal kind of creature” (Russell 1994: 732). Furthermore, he wonders “what a treat it is to meet creatures who have always been the delight of every tense and profound male soul”. Yet, he believes that merely “these graces are only to be found in women so long as they kept in order by manly men” (Russell 1994: 732). He understands that once women achieve independence, they turn out to be intolerable (Russell 1994: 732). Moreover, women have “so much cause for sham”, “much pedantry, superficiality, schoolmasterliness, pretty presumption, unbridledness, and indiscretion concealed” that have actually been best dominated and restrained hitherto by fear of men (Russell 1994: 732). Not only that, but also Nietzsche says in Beyond Good and Evil , one “should think of women as property as Orientals do” (Russell 1994: 732).
On the other hand, scholars who are involved in the “feminist discourse on sexuality” oppose this previously mentioned point of view in their “discussions of the social control of women’s sexuality” and support “women’s rights to control their bodies” with the objective of “liberating women from the sexual and social double standards” (Jenness 1990: 411). Satz (1995), for instance, condemns prostitution not because of the way it negatively affects “happiness or personhood” – which are also affected by other types of wage-labor – but due to the serious damage it causes to “achieving a significant form of equality between men and women” (Satz 1995:81).
In conclusion, the objectification of women is one of the fundamental discourses that have been studied in the fields of the anthropology, sociology and gender. One of the manifestations of this objectification is the prostitution industry which remains a controversial issue in scholarly work. Investigating women objectification in relation to the prostitution industry was established as the backbone of the post whose flesh was the presentation of the discussion and theoretical disputes around the presence and absence of choice or agency for women sex workers.
[1] “A former prostitute says: I was in it for the money. I worked five to six days a week, almost every week and I did not have much spare time at all, I worked twelve and fourteen hours a day, some days. But, again, these conditions are not very different from the work many women do in factories, restaurants, and offices, where they earn little, have little control over themselves and their work, and are too exhausted at the end of a shift for much else” (Overall 1992: 714).
[2] Quoted in Henkin (1989:5)
Holmes, Rachel 1994 Selling Sex for a Living. Theme issue “Body Politics” Agenda (23): 36-48. Jenness, Valerie 1990 From Sex as Sin to Sex as Work: COYOTE and the Reorganization of Prostitution as a Social Problem Social Problems 37 (3): 403- 420. Ritzer, George 2004 Classical Sociological Theory. New York: McGraw-Hill international Editions. Russell, Bertrand 1994 History of Western Philosophy. London: New Fetter Lane. Satz, Debra 1995 Markets in Women’s Sexual Labor Ethics 106 (1): 63-85.
Overall, Christine 1992 What’s Wrong with Prostitution? Evaluating Sex Work Signs 17 (4). : 705-724.
A Guide to English Escort Law.
It is completely legal to be an escort in the UK. There are no laws against escorts here, but there are laws for prostitution. When it comes to sex, the escort business is considered the same as prostitution. This is why both the prostitution industry and the escort industry have the same laws concerning sex.
In your escort work, there is always sex involved in exchange for money, although this is never officially mentioned anywhere. If you are an escort, you want to steer clear of the law and have a legitimate career. This is a small guide that should help you keep all your activities legitimate.

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