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Although advocating illegalisation of sex work, it is essential that such policies do not impinge on the work of successful, grass-roots organisations working alongside and supporting prostitutes. In addition – I claim that Swedish policies and legislation on sex work has been and is largely successful. Although the problem of prostitution is very small in comparison to many other countries, the Swedish approach has concentrated on addressing prostitution as a social issue. They outlaw sex work as ‘legitimate’ work and introduced measures which were supported with governmental funding, to provide a proper and permanent support system for prostitutes which offered counselling and retraining possibilities (Kilvington et al. 2001:83). In 1999, legislation was introduced which criminalised the buying of sexual services with the intention to target the clients who use the service rather than the sex workers (Ibid). Although I do not compare the Swedish sex work industry to that of countries within South East Asia, where sex trafficking and sex work is on a far greater, global scale (Remote Sensing: 2001), I endorse the Swedish approach for recognising the overarching social issues and patriarchal structures and which uphold and support the practice of prostitution. By targeting the men – the ‘demand’ for prostitution – the legislation attempts to tackle such structures. However, I recognise that censoring and upholding such prosecution is difficult in areas in which prostitution is endemic, yet this should be no reason to impinge change.
In conclusion this essay has discussed why sex work should not be considered ‘legitimate work’, nor as an expression of women’s ‘choice and agency.’ This essay has structured this argument on the grounds, as explained by Jeffreys and O’Connell Davidson, that sex work is inherently abusive towards women, both psychologically and physically. Sullivan illustrated how in instances of legalisation, instead of tackling the inherent violence prostitutes were subject to, it incidentally normalised the violence. This essay has also illustrated how in the majority of circumstances, the ‘choice’ of the women is not valid, since it tends to stem from desperate economic motives, and because even if women ‘choose’ sex work, their choice has potential harmful implications on other women. Finally, because sex work reinforces and upholds gendered sociological assumptions of society, instilling patriarchy, I advocate that it remain an illegitimate form of work. Nonetheless, as I have discussed, and as explored by Ditmore and Djordjevic, one problem circumscribed by advocating the illegalisation of sex work is that it forces the women working in the industry ‘underground’. This has harmful implications on conditions of the prostitutes and inhibits their voice in society. I conclude by suggesting that one possible way to tackle this is by recognising prostitution as a social problem. As in Sweden, we must recognise the gendered and patriarchal institutions that uphold prostitution and face the issue by delegitimizing and penalising those who use the service. The primary understanding that needs to be established for this perspective to be effective is that prostitution is not legitimate work.
Adams, N. 2003. Anti-Trafficking Legislation: Protection or Deportation?. Feminist Review, No. 73, Exile and Asylum: Women Seeking Refuge in ‘fortress Europe’, pp.135-139.
Anderson, S, A., 2002. Prostitution and Sexual Autonomy: Making Sense of the Prohibition of Prostitution. Ethics, Vol. 112, pp. 748-780.
Brison, S. 2006. Contentious Freedom: Sex Work and Social Construction. Hepatia, Vol. 21, pp. 192-200.
Ditmore, M., 2008. Sex work, trafficking and HIV: how development is compromising sex workers’ human rights. In Cornwall, A. et al (eds) Development with a Body: Sexuality, Human Rights and Development, London: Zed pp.54-66.
Dworkin, A., 1997. Prostitution and Male Supremacy. Life and Death, New York pp. 138-216.
Djordjevic, J. 2008. Social and Political inclusion as sex workers as a preventative measure against trafficking: Serbian experiences. In: Cornwall, A., Correea, S., Jolly, S., Development with a body: Sexuality, Human Rights and Development , London: Zed pp. 161-181.
Kilvington, J., Day, S., Ward, H., 2001. Prostitution Policy in Europe: A Time of Change?. Feminist Review; Sex Work Reassessed, Vol. 67, pp. 78-93.
Miriam, K., 2005. Stopping the Traffic in Women: Power, Agency and Abolition in Feminist Debates over Sex-Trafficking. Journal of Social Philosophy, Vol. 36, pp.1-17.
O’Connell Davidson, J., 2002. The Rights and Wrongs of Prostitution. Hepatia: Feminist Philosophies of Love and Work, Vol. 17, pp. 84-98.
Sullivan, M., 2005. What Happens When Prostitution Becomes Work? An Update on Legalisation of Prostitution in Australia. Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, Australia, [Accessed on: 9/12/13] http://www.catwinternational.org/Content/Images/Article/93/attachment.pdf.
Weitzer, R., 2009. Sociology of Sex Work. Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 35, pp. 213-234.
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